The Stranger

The Stranger

use this research question as it’s based on the main article by James Walsh. “How does an understanding of Georg Simmel’s concept of the Stranger address intercultural issues such as immigration and exclusion?”.

Corresponding author:
Adrian Franklin, School of Sociology and Social Work, University of Tasmania, GPO Box 252-17, Hobart,
TAS 7001, Australia.
Tourist Studies
10(3) 195–208
© The Author(s) 2010
Reprints and permission: sagepub.
DOI: 10.1177/1468797611407751
Aboriginalia: Souvenir
Wares and the
‘Aboriginalization’ of
Australian Identity
Adrian Franklin
School of Sociology and Social Work, University of Tasmania, Hobart, TAS, Australia
In recent years Aboriginalia, defined here as souvenir objects depicting Aboriginal peoples,
symbolism and motifs from the 1940s–1970s and sold largely to tourists in the first instance, has
become highly sought after by both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal collectors and has captured
the imagination of Aboriginal artists and cultural commentators. The paper seeks to understand
how and why Aboriginality came to brand Australia and almost every tourist place and centre
at a time when Aboriginal people and culture were subject to policies (particularly the White
Australia Polic(ies)) that effectively removed them from their homelands and sought in various
ways to assimilate them (physiologically and culturally) into mainstream white Australian culture.
In addition the paper suggests that this Aboriginalia had an unintended social life as an object of
tourism and nation. It is argued that the mass-produced presence of many reminders of Aboriginal
culture came to be ‘repositories of recognition’ not only of the presence of Aborigines but also
of their dispossession and repression. As such they emerge today recoded as politically and
culturally charged objects with (potentially) an even more radical role to play in the unfolding of
race relations in Australia.
Aboriginal Australia; Aboriginalia; reconciliation; social identity; souvenirs; tourism objects
Travel is fatal to prejudice, bigotry, and narrow-mindedness, and many of our people need it sorely
on these accounts. Broad, wholesome, charitable views of men and things can not be acquired by
vegetating in one little corner of the earth all one’s lifetime. (Twain, 1993 [1987]: 650)
Tourist Studies 10(3)
At almost all available contemporary tourist sites and places around Australia the travelling
visitor (whether domestic or overseas) wishing to sample what is properly Australian
will be confronted by two dominant representational forms: Australian nature and
Australian Aboriginal culture, art and/or motifs. The online tourist will find the same
semiotic message everywhere: of the 12 representative objects on the front page of
, for example, five are either Aboriginal objects, for example, boo

merangs, or non-Aboriginal objects emblazoned with Aboriginal design (wooden wine
holder, travel bags). Visitors to the popular Queen Victoria Market area of central
Melbourne will find it hard not to see
Something Aussie,
a shop specializing in souvenirs
of Australia. The shop’s logo is an Aboriginal-inspired ochre-coloured setting sun encap

sulating a white boomerang. Inside the shop the unmistakable ‘look’ of the merchandise
is based on Aboriginal design. It has a section of objects that are made by Aboriginal art
and crafts makers, some of which are based on traditional objects and some of which are
European objects mantled with Aboriginal artworks (for example, bandanas, scarves,
pottery vases and bowls). Then there are modern objects such as umbrellas, candlehold

ers, tablecloths and pen sets that are saturated with stylized Aboriginal designs. At other
locations around Australia such objects come complete with the name of the town or
state and in this sense co-opt Aboriginality into their place image. The wholesaler W.W.
Souvenirs (sourced at, for exam

ple, provides a range of boomerang-shaped key rings with the names of most major
towns and cities printed on them. Actually having encountered Aboriginal people is,
ironically, not important to those who happily souvenir objects as if they had: ‘Boomerangs
line souvenir shops in their thousands, inviting visitors to Australia to take this quirky
piece of the nation home with them as a symbol of both the country they visited and its
original inhabitants – whom they may or may not have met’ (Effington, 2010: 75).
At almost all the major city souvenir sites the connections between the Aboriginal
representation and the people they represent (and their geography) is rarely made explicit
(except where Aboriginal arts and craft makers have taken control, and they have in
many places today). Despite this confused geography, history and anthropology, a gener

alized sense (and presence) of Aboriginal culture is rendered palpable to tourists across
Australia through a very large range of objects.
The combined effect of this Aboriginal semiotic drenching, or perhaps it can be called
of tourist sites and places, gives the impression that Aboriginal cul

ture is a quintessential representation or icon of local and national life with the corollary,
given its suggested primordiality, that it has always been thus. After all, the elements of
Aboriginal culture emphasized on these objects do not represent how most contemporary
Aboriginal people live today (very few adhere to traditional hunting and gathering modes
of production) but reference a pre-white colonial period and the primordiality of the
‘Dreaming’ past. The cultural icons of white settler society, by contrast, feature present-day
culture such as sporting teams, architecture, commercial brands and national achieve

ments. It is at best an extremely confused iconography of nation. Nonetheless, the infer

ence might be made that Aboriginal people, symbols and motifs have always represented
Muecke’s 1990 essay ‘No Road’ is one of the few serious attempts to understand
travellers in Australia and their engagement with contemporary Aboriginal cultures. This
paper seeks to extend that understanding though it takes a very different road.

International Journal of Canadian Studies, Volume 49, 2014, pp. 315-333
DOI: 10.1353/ijc.2014.0032
For additional information about this article
Access provided by Brock University (5 Jan 2015 12:08 GMT)
Christine Schreyer
Canadian Geography as National Identity:

s Bay Company Place Names
and their Aboriginal Counterparts
The fur trade has a distinctive place in the collective memory of Canadian
society, in
uencing national identity in many ways. Speci
cally, the fur trade
has helped to shape the geography of Canada, which is
lled with locales
that retain the labels




This paper will
discuss the Hudson

s Bay Company

s 1928 call for the collection of Aborigi-
nal place names for

all the posts of the country

and will examine the
resilience of these places names and their role in creating a Canadian
national identity based on the idea of three founding nations

French, and English.
La traite de la fourrure occupe une place distincte dans la mémoire collective
canadienne, ce qui in
uence l

identité nationale de nombreuses manières.
Plus spéci
quement, la traite de la fourrure a aidé à façonner la géographie
du Canada qui abonde de lieux portant le nom de « fort », « post », « house »
et « factory ». Cet article discutera de la demande faite en 1928 par la
Compagnie de la Baie d

Hudson qui voulait rassembler les noms de lieux
autochtones pour « tous les postes du pays » et examinera la résilience de ces
noms de lieux et leur rôle dans la création d

une identité nationale cana-
dienne basée sur l

idée de trois nations fondatrices : autochtone, française et
The history of Canada as a nation is inextricably linked to the fur trade. It is
through the expansion of the fur trade that traders, explorers, merchants,
missionaries, and many more European people entered into the New World
and began to forge relationships, whether good or bad, with the indigenous
people whom they met along the way. It was in search of economic wealth that
traders pushed farther north and farther west until they ran out of land. This
expansion of the fur trade has helped to shape the geography of Canada, which
lled with locales that retain the labels




In April 1928, Nathaniel McKenzie, a retired district manager and
historian for the Hudson

s Bay Company (HBC), sent a letter to C.H. French,
fur trade commissioner. He wrote:
49, 2014